Campaign scenes (from top)—President Lee Teng-hui works a crowd; voters rally at a temple; DPP candidate Peng Ming-min shakes hands with independent Chen Li-an (at right); supporters of a National Assembly candidate hand out materials; independent candidate Lin Yang-kang (at right); and Election Day voting, March 23.
For years, ROC government officials have given public speeches and press interviews extolling Taiwan's “quiet revolution,” that is, its transformation in less than a decade from a single-party, authoritarian state to what a Washington Post Service reporter recently called “a colorful, boisterous, kinetic democracy.”
This thoroughly recast political environment has decades-old roots, including substantial local-level political experience. Yet the impetus for much of the change has come from the top. The final years of President Chiang Ching-kuo—son of President and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek—were characterized by increasing tolerance of political diversity. Before passing away in January 1988, Chiang allowed a de facto opposition party to form, lifted martial law, and eliminated most of the restrictions on newspapers, public assemblies and demonstrations, and travel to Mainland China. These were extraordinary accomplishments, pushed through in very short order. But at the time of his death there was considerable concern that the reforms, although well under way, might not remain in place, let alone continue. Vice President Lee Teng-hui, who was sworn in as president on the day Chiang Ching-kuo died, was in many respects an unknown political quantity. Despite an impressive record in academe, administration, and politics, could he harness the forces still aligned against further reforms, let alone push ahead with democratization?
Lee Teng-hui’s election as the first popularly elected head of state in 5,000 years of Chinese history—and 400 years of Taiwan history, for that matter—answers the question. Since Lee took office to fill out Chiang's term, he has compiled a long record of reforms. Taiwan is already a far different place from what perhaps even Chiang Ching-kuo could have imagined. These changes have been brought under the spotlight by the presidential elec tion—which Hong Kong Democratic Party legislator Martin Lee said “completely exploded the myth that democracy is somehow unsuitable for Chinese people”—and by the PRC's war games, missile tests, and propaganda barrages.
Although the international press gave all these events extensive coverage, a relative sense of quiet has now emerged here as news elsewhere captures the headlines. Yet there is much in Taiwan's democratic development to demand continued attention. Three broad areas worth monitoring:
·Possible amendments to the ROC Constitution. The constitution is still unclear about division-of-power issues. The balance of powers between the five branches of government is not well defined, and the same is true of the powers of president and premier—it isn't clear whether the state is to function under a presidential or cabinet system. Clarification of these issues will influence decisions on how the national agenda and the ROC's international profile are determined.
·Executive and legislative interaction. Because no party has a strong majority in the legislature, multiparty cooperation and compromise will be necessary throughout government in order to pass the many laws needed to implement such important policy goals as turning Taiwan into an Asia-Pacific regional operations center, gaining entrance to the World Trade Organization, completing Six-Year Development Plan project expanding Southeast Asia investment, improving cross-straits relations, reducing overlapping responsibilities between ministries and other government agencies (public construction is one example), and stamping out “money politics,” a general term for corruption and mismanagement.
·Pace and quality of legislation. Will the legislature finally bury its image as a boxing ring and bring informed research and debate to bear on high-priority issues? Part of the answer lies in improving the quality of hearings, committee deliberations, and floor action; another part lies in better research backup on specific issues from legislative aides, the legislative library, lobby group, and non-government organizations.
President Lee Teng-hui has presided over Taiwan's transition from strongman authoritarian rule to democratic rule derived from a popular mandate. No one can fail to be impressed with the president's considerable political skills, from the time he took office in January 1988 to the present. And now, everyone is waiting to see not only how he applies his talents to the many domestic and international problems at hand, but also how well all political actors combine to consolidate Taiwan's quiet democratic revolution.